Pastor Aeternus: Obstacle to Catholic-Orthodox reconciliation? It seems that any legitimate contemporary Catholic ecclesiology must affirm the teachings of Vatican I on the nature of the papal office, but can its teachings be shown to be in harmony with the teachings of certain Church Fathers, as well as with history? The Orthodox answer no.
Cin
Thursday, October 22, 2009
Can we both simultaneously believe something is true and know that it is true? No. But some propositions that are naturally knowable can be the matter of faith -- we assent to them under the formality of God Himself. So there is a place within the theological virtue of faith for these propositions -- they are not extraneous to faith, simply because we could know that they are true through reason alone.
Monday, October 19, 2009
Sunday, October 18, 2009
Zenit: Benedict XVI's Message for World Food Day
Benedict XVI's Message for World Food Day
"Access to Food Is a Fundamental Right of Persons and Nations"
VATICAN CITY, OCT. 16, 2009 (Zenit.org).- Here is a translation of the message Benedict XVI sent to Jacques Diouf, director-general of the U.N.'s Rome-based Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) on the occasion of World Food Day.
The day, observed every year on Oct. 16, commemorates the anniversary of the foundation of the FAO in 1945. The theme for this year is: "Achieving Food Security in Times of Crisis."
* * *
To Mr. Jacques Diouf
Director General of FAO
If the celebration of World Food Day recalls the foundation of FAO and its action to combat hunger and malnutrition, it underscores above all the urgency and need to intervene in favor of all those who are deprived of daily bread in so many countries, due to the lack of adequate conditions of food security.
The present crisis, which goes across without distinction the whole of the sectors of the economy, affects particularly in a serious way the agricultural world, where the situation is dramatic. This crisis appeals to governments and to the different components of the international community to make determinant and effective choices.
To guarantee persons and nations the possibility of overcoming the plague of hunger means to ensure their concrete access to healthy and adequate nourishment. It is, in fact, a concrete manifestation of the right to life, which, though solemnly proclaimed, often continues to be far from full realization.
The topic chosen by FAO this year for World Food Day is "To Obtain Food Security in Times of Crisis." This invites one to regard agricultural work as an essential element of food security and, therefore, as an integral component of economic activity. For this reason, agriculture must be able to have a sufficient level of investments and resources. This topic reminds one and makes one understand that the goods of the earth are limited by nature, and hence that they require behavior that is responsible and capable of fostering food security, also thinking of future generations. Needed are a profound solidarity and long-term fraternity.
The attainment of these objectives requires a necessary modification of lifestyles and ways of thinking. It obliges the international community and its institutions to intervene in a more adequate and determinant way. I hope that this intervention will foster a cooperation that protects the methods of cultivation proper to each area and avoids an inconsiderate use of natural resources. I also hope that this cooperation will safeguard the values proper to the rural world and the fundamental rights of the laborers of the earth. Leaving privileges, profits and comfort aside, these objectives will be able to be realized for the advantage of men, women, families and communities, which live in the poorest areas of the planet and which are, moreover, more vulnerable. Experience demonstrates that technical solutions, even the advanced, lack efficacy if they do not refer to the person, principal actor who, in his spiritual and material dimension, is the origin and end of all activity.
More than an elemental necessity, access to food is a fundamental right of persons and nations. It could be a reality and hence a security if an adequate development is guaranteed in all the different regions. In particular, the tragedy of hunger will be able to be overcome only by "eliminating the structural causes that cause it and by promoting the agricultural development of the poorest countries through investments in rural infrastructure, irrigation systems, transport, the organization of markets, formation and diffusion of appropriate agricultural techniques, capable of utilizing in the best way possible the human, natural and socio-economic resources accessible in the main at the local level" (Caritas in Veritate, n. 27).
The Catholic Church, faithful to her vocation to be close to the poorest, promotes, supports and participates in the efforts made to allow each nation and community to have the necessary means to guarantee an adequate level of food security.
With these wishes, I renew, Mr. Director General, my expressions of highest consideration, and invoke on FAO, on the member States and all its personnel abundant heavenly blessings.
In the Vatican, October 8, 2009
[Translation by ZENIT]
Zenit: Holy See on the Rights of Children
Holy See on the Rights of Children
"For Too Many Children the Right to Life Is Denied"
NEW YORK, OCT. 16, 2009 (Zenit.org).- Here is the statement Archbishop Celestino Migliore, permanent observer of the Holy See at the United Nations, delivered Thursday on the promotion and protection of the rights of children before the 64th session of the U.N. General Assembly.
* * *
Mr Chairman,
As we consider the promotion and protection of the rights of children, we also commemorate the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, an important instrument aimed at protecting the rights and interests of children.
In the course of the past twenty years the Convention has been ratified or acceded to by almost two hundred States; the Optional Protocol on the involvement of children in armed conflict has been ratified by almost 130 countries; and the Optional Protocol on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography has been ratified by over 130 countries. International consensus has grown as governments have become more aware of the need to protect all children. In this regard, my delegation encourages all States that have not yet done so to join in furthering the legal protection of children by ratifying or acceding to the Convention and the Protocols and calls for a correct application of these legal instruments which entails respect for the inherent right to life of all children.
A recent UNICEF report comes with good news: the global under-five mortality has decreased steadily over the past two decades. However, statistics also tell us that in the last decade more than two million children have been killed in the course of armed conflict, six million have been left disabled, tens of thousands mutilated by antipersonnel mines, and over 300,000 recruited as child soldiers.
In our discussions on ending violence against children we cannot but call to mind that for too many children the right to life is denied; that prenatal selection eliminates babies suspected to have disabilities and female children simply because of their sex; that oftentimes children become the first victims of famines and wars; that they are maimed by unexploded munitions; that they lack sufficient food and housing; that they are deprived of schooling; that they become sick with AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis without access to medicines; that they are sold to traffickers, sexually exploited, recruited into irregular armies, uprooted by forced displacements, or compelled into debilitating work.
Eliminating violence against children demands that the state and society support and enable the family to carry out its proper responsibility. Governments must assume their rightful role to protect and promote family life because the family has obvious vital and organic links with society. Civil society also has an important role to play in supporting the family and counteracting all forms of violence against children. For its part, the Catholic Church's over 300,000 social, caring and educational institutions work daily to ensure both education for children and provide the reintegration of abused and neglected children into their families if possible, and into society.
At times, in deliberations on the promotion and protection of the rights of the child, there can unfortunately be a tendency to speak in terms of the relationship between the child and the state while inadvertently minimizing the role of parents. In this regard my delegation cannot emphasize enough the importance of the family in the life of each and every child and that all legislation regarding children must take into account the indispensable role of parents, for children are born of a mother and father, and into the fundamental community which is the family. Not surprisingly, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights has rightly affirmed that “the family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State” (Article 16,3), and that, relatedly, “motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance” and “all children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection” (Article 25,2). These affirmations are not concepts imposed from the outside but instead are complementary principles derived from the nature of the human person.
This year the General Assembly continues its consideration of the right of children to express their views freely in all matters affecting them and so rightly focuses on the importance of truly hearing them. All children need to be respected fully in their inherent dignity for they are fully human beings. The Convention on the Rights of the Child does not explicitly include an article on a specific right to participate. Nonetheless, the Convention does contain articles that take into account the participation of children, for example, in expressing their views and having these views heard (Article 12). In considering the concrete application of child participation it must always be remembered, as is affirmed in the Convention, that States Parties are called to “respect the responsibilities, rights and duties of parents … to provide, in a manner consistent with the evolving capacities of the child, appropriate direction and guidance in the exercise by the child of the rights recognized in the Convention” (Article 5).
On this occasion the Holy See once again reaffirms its constant concern for the well-being and protection of all children and their families and continues to call all States to do the same with renewed urgency since all children deserve to grow up in a stable and healthy environment in keeping with their dignity.
Thank you Mr Chairman.
What is the relationship of these rights to the virtue of justice? Do adults have the same sort of rights? Do these rights acquire any special character simply because children have them? And are children "equal" to adults?
Edward Feser, The Thomistic tradition, Part I
Several schools of thought describing themselves as “Thomistic” have developed over the course of the last century or so, each representing a different response to the characteristic themes and assumptions of modern philosophy. Since they have had such a profound influence on the contemporary debate over Aquinas’s thought, it will be worthwhile briefly to describe the main positions:
1. Neo-Scholastic Thomism: The dominant tendency within Thomism in the first decades after the revival sparked by Leo’s encyclical, this approach is reflected in many of the manuals and textbooks widely in use in Roman Catholic colleges and seminaries before Vatican II. Due to its emphasis on following the interpretative tradition of the great commentators on Aquinas (such as Capreolus, Cajetan, and John of St. Thomas) and associated suspicion of attempts to synthesize Thomism with non-Thomistic categories and assumptions, it has also sometimes been labeled “Strict Observance Thomism.” Still, its focus was less on exegesis of the historical Aquinas’s own texts than on carrying out the program of deploying a rigorously worked out system of Thomistic metaphysics in a wholesale critique of modern philosophy. Its core philosophical commitments are summarized in the famous “Twenty-Four Thomistic Theses” approved by Pope Pius X. Reginald Garrigou-Lagrange (1877-1964) is perhaps its greatest representative.
2. Existential Thomism: Etienne Gilson (1884-1978), the key proponent of this approach to Thomism, tended to emphasize the importance of historical exegesis but also to deemphasize Aquinas’s continuity with the Aristotelian tradition, highlighting instead the originality of Aquinas’s doctrine of being or existence. He was also critical of the Neo-Scholastics’ focus on the tradition of the commentators, and given what he regarded as their insufficient emphasis on being or existence accused them of “essentialism” (to allude to the other half of Aquinas’s distinction between being and essence). Gilson’s reading of Aquinas as putting forward a distinctively “Christian philosophy” tended, at least in the view of his critics, to blur Aquinas’s distinction between philosophy and theology. Jacques Maritain (1882-1973) introduced into Thomistic metaphysics the notion that philosophical reflection begins with an “intuition of being,” and in ethics and social philosophy sought to harmonize Thomism with personalism and pluralistic democracy. Though “existential Thomism” was sometimes presented as a counterpoint to modern existentialism, the main reason for the label is the emphasis this approach puts on Aquinas’s doctrine of existence. Contemporary proponents include Joseph Owens and John F. X. Knasas.
3. Laval or River Forest Thomism: This approach emphasizes the Aristotelian foundations of Aquinas’s philosophy, and in particular the idea that the construction of a sound metaphysics must be preceded by a sound understanding of natural science, as interpreted in light of an Aristotelian philosophy of nature. Accordingly, it is keen to show that modern physical science can and should be given such an interpretation. Charles De Koninck (1906-1965), James A. Weisheipl (1923-1984), William A. Wallace, and Benedict Ashley are among its representatives. It is sometimes called “Laval Thomism” after the University of Laval in Quebec, where De Koninck was a professor. The alternative label “River Forest Thomism” derives from a suburb of Chicago, the location of the Albertus Magnus Lyceum for Natural Science, whose members are associated with this approach. It is also sometimes called “Aristotelian Thomism” (to highlight its contrast with Gilson’s brand of existential Thomism) though since Neo-Scholastic Thomism also emphasizes Aquinas’s continuity with Aristotle, this label seems a bit too proprietary. (There are writers, like the contemporary Thomist Ralph McInerny, who exhibit both Neo-Scholastic and Laval/River Forest influences, and the approaches are not necessarily incompatible.)
4. Transcendental Thomism: Unlike the first three schools mentioned, this approach, associated with Joseph Marechal (1878-1944), Karl Rahner (1904-84), and Bernard Lonergan (1904-84), does not oppose modern philosophy wholesale, but seeks to reconcile Thomism with a Cartesian subjectivist approach to knowledge in general, and Kantian epistemology in particular. It seems fair to say that most Thomists otherwise tolerant of diverse approaches to Aquinas’s thought tend to regard transcendental Thomism as having conceded too much to modern philosophy genuinely to count as a variety of Thomism, strictly speaking, and this school of thought has in any event been far more influential among theologians than among philosophers.
5. Lublin Thomism: This approach, which derives its name from the University of Lublin in Poland where it was centered, is also sometimes called “phenomenological Thomism.” Like transcendental Thomism, it seeks to combine Thomism with certain elements of modern philosophy, though in a way that is less radically revisionist. In particular, it seeks to make use of the phenomenological method of philosophical analysis associated with Edmund Husserl and the personalism of writers like Max Scheler in articulating the Thomist conception of the human person. Its best-known proponent is Karol Wojtyla (1920-2005), who went on to become Pope John Paul II.
Saturday, October 17, 2009
Robert George, Natural Law, God, and Human Rights
Natural Law, God, and Human Rights (video available, mp3)
Robert P. George, Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University
Princeton University
6/11/2008
Robert P. George, Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University
Princeton University
6/11/2008
David L. Schindler, The Dramatic Nature of Life: Liberal Societies and the Foundations of Human Dignity
Something to read when I do a study of "human dignity."
Something to read when I do a study of "human dignity."
Thursday, October 15, 2009
Holy See on Rule of Law
Holy See on Rule of Law
"Underlying Any Law Is a Fundamental Value or Truth"
NEW YORK, OCT. 15, 2009 (Zenit.org).- Here is the statement Archbishop Celestino Migliore, permanent observer of the Holy See at the United Nations, delivered today on the rule of law before the 64th session of the U.N. General Assembly.
* * *
Mr. Chairman,
The rule of law serves as the foundation for a more just society. With too many people somewhat excluded from the protections and benefits of the rule of law and with a global financial crisis affecting all regions, to promote the rule of law at the international level becomes an increasingly vital tool for achieving the goals originally established by the UN Charter. [Does observance of the rule of law fall under one of the forms of particular justice or legal justice?]
We must remember that law alone is not the aim, as countries too often use laws as a source of oppression and violence so as to "rule by law." Rather, what is needed is to take into account that underlying any law is a fundamental value or truth which must be upheld in order for it to have any real meaning and purpose. This link between the rule of law and justice is embedded in the purpose of this Organization which is to maintain international peace and security in "conformity with the principles of justice and international law." Thus, to speak only of the rule of law without including the need for justice would be inadequate and risk replacing the rule of law with a rule by law.
While the primary responsibility for promoting and creating a just rule of law lies with the national and local authorities, in a globalized society the need for just rules and laws to govern groups beyond national boundaries is of utmost importance. International law recognizes this fundamental fact and seeks to ensure the mechanisms for greater solidarity, thus promoting the rights and responsibilities of individuals and societies beyond national boundaries. Hence, bodies dealing with international law, as well as national authorities, must remain vigilant in ensuring that their law continues to respect the abilities of individual states and local communities to govern their affairs in a just manner, only intervening when an issue has global consequences or the State and local community fails to uphold the responsibility to protect.
International law continues to be of particular importance in the areas of peace and security, economic development and environmental degradation. Widespread corruption, international and national conflicts, terrorism, sexual violence as a means of war and other human rights abuses, too often are perpetuated by or are due to the lack of adherence to a just rule of law at various levels. In this regard, treaties and international legal norms have been instrumental in promoting better respect for the rule of law and creating greater trust between States. Moreover, efforts to promote mediation of disputes provide valuable practical and technical support to nations. To these ends, members of this Committee and the General Assembly, as well as ECOSOC’s various subsidiary bodies must all the more work together.
In the area of economics, the rule of law at the international level has become ever more necessary. [Reiterating the point made in the pope's latest encyclical.] The interconnected nature of global business and trade no longer allows for individual nations to control and regulate their own economy because, as the recent financial crisis demonstrates, failure to properly regulate a single market or commodity can lead to devastating effects across the globe. In this respect, my delegation supports the Secretary-General’s efforts to firmly ground the rule of law in the work of the development agenda of the United Nations and highlight the links between poverty, legal exclusion and injustice. In addition, greater efforts must be made to reform the United Nations and the various international financial systems in order to play a proper role in responsible financial regulation. We also support endeavors by States and international organizations to work together to create a just rule of law system for fair trade which respects the inherent dignity of workers. In a global market, so-called outsourcing can lead to a disconnect between a company’s responsibility to its workers, suppliers, consumers and the environment. [What of the duty to the local community?] For this reason, national and international rule of law must not focus solely upon determining the role of markets but also take into account the rights of workers and the community.
To be effective, a just rule of law requires judicial administration, responsible running of institutions and social and political support. Focusing solely upon the technical and administrative aspects of the implementation of the rule of law has proven to be and will continue to be ineffective for we must address the underlying cultural support which is necessary to respect those for whom the law exists. In this regard, the Holy See and its various organizations remain committed to supporting the rule of law at the national and international levels. Its educational institutions in many countries around the world provide individuals quality education in the fundamental nature of law and its proper application, which can only lead to the eradication of corruption. In addition, through many of its organizations around the world numerous committed men and women are present in jails and prisons to provide physical, psychological and spiritual support to the incarcerated and help provide them with the skills necessary to become productive law abiding citizens.
The reform of the United Nations and its various bodies is of utmost importance to promote the rule of law at the international level. International treaty bodies which expand the scope and meaning of treaties beyond their originally agreed content lose proper respect for the role of subsidiarity, thus undermining the intent of the treaties themselves and risk losing credibility. Furthermore, continuing efforts to reform the Security Council and the United Nations system helps to enhance the UN’s credibility around the world.
Mr. Chairman, my delegation looks forward to working with the membership during this session and in the various rule of law bodies within the United Nations to ensure that the rule of law truly becomes a just rule of law.
Thank you Mr. Chairman.
Tuesday, October 13, 2009
Saturday, October 10, 2009
St. Benedict Center has the Fifth Book of Controversies over the Supreme Pontiff (which deals with the pope's temporal power) by St. Robert Bellarmine, along with his De Laicis. (thanks to lovethegirls)
Thursday, October 08, 2009
Confucianism a vital string in China's bow
By Jian Junbo
Modernity? Liberalism? How is loyalty to authority being defined? Obedience? What is being advocated? Anarchy? Or absolute disobedience? Or critical obedience? Confucianism is rather loosely defined here, and while there may be a contrast between Confucianism and liberalism, it is not clear what the author means by "modernity" either, except modern Western liberalism and rational autonomy.
The article links to this website: Confucius Institute Online. It doesn't strike me as a particularly Confucian website, with the prominent place taken by articles and news about mass culture.
By Jian Junbo
But some ideas in Confucianism are helpful in maintaining social order and harmony, such as respect for elders and teachers and not harming others. The CCP certainly wants a revival of such values to help it maintain social stability. Many parents, too, would like their children to learn from Confucius' teachings.
However, local governments' respect for Confucius is centered on economic interests. By holding memorial ceremonies, tourists are attracted to a region and local products are promoted. For local officials, there is less culture on their minds than local gross domestic product growth - a sure ticket to promotion. Some intellectuals also make fortunes by "popularizing" Confucian ideas with paid lectures and by publishing books.
All this is embodied in a popular propaganda slogan, "Culture provides the stage for the economy to perform". That is, culture is just a means of fueling economic growth.
In short, in the early 21st century, Confucianism is an assistant to the Chinese god of wealth (and a representative of Chinese diplomacy) but not a tutor for Chinese souls.
Thus, if Confucianism cannot be officially endorsed as a core of Chinese traditional culture but only pragmatically regarded as a pawn to help the economy, it can hardly be promoted worldwide as a pillar of Chinese soft power.
Culture is one of the basic resources of soft power, according to Joseph Nye, who was the first to introduce this concept in 1990 to analyze international affairs. According to this United States politician-scholar, soft power is the ability to obtain what one wants through co-option and attraction, as opposed to hard power, which is the use of coercion and payment. By this definition, culture is not soft power itself, but a very important potential resource of it.
Besides the government's reluctance, there are internal problems that make it hard to modernize Confucianism. Confucianism emerged 2,500 years ago and was enriched throughout the country's dynastic history to become an ideology in justifying and safeguarding the hierarchical structure of political and social systems.
As such, many of its ideas are outdated, such as being loyal to authority, non-violation of the hierarchical order of families and society and anti-individualism. These values are in conflict with modernity and cannot be converted into acceptable concepts to people today.
Modernity? Liberalism? How is loyalty to authority being defined? Obedience? What is being advocated? Anarchy? Or absolute disobedience? Or critical obedience? Confucianism is rather loosely defined here, and while there may be a contrast between Confucianism and liberalism, it is not clear what the author means by "modernity" either, except modern Western liberalism and rational autonomy.
The article links to this website: Confucius Institute Online. It doesn't strike me as a particularly Confucian website, with the prominent place taken by articles and news about mass culture.
Wednesday, October 07, 2009
Holy See on Priorities of UN
"Create an Organization Guided by Duty, Morality and Solidarity"
NEW YORK, OCT. 7, 2009 (Zenit.org).- Here is the statement Archbishop Celestino Migliore, permanent observer of the Holy See at the United Nations, delivered Tuesday on the work of the United Nations at the 64th session of the U.N. General Assembly.
* * *
Mr President,
My delegation wishes to thank the Secretary-General for his report on the work of the organization and its clear call for the membership to restore hope and solidarity so that the 64th Session of the General Assembly becomes a point of renewal for this organization.
This past year the global community became more aware of the fragility of prosperity and growth. The world was hit by an economic crisis which has led to unprecedented numbers of people losing their jobs, security and the ability to provide even the basic necessities for their families. This crisis raised a number of questions about the causes and consequences of the economic downturn and created even more questions as to what the future will hold. Therefore, as we begin this 64th Session of the General Assembly one year after the deepening of the financial crisis, we do so with a new sense of purpose to learn from the mistakes and renew our commitment to the need for cooperation.
One area for a renewed sense of commitment to addressing the world’s problems is working to lift the burdens placed upon so many in this world due to the lack of economic resources. On numerous occasions, my delegation pointed to the need for greater global solidarity in order to tackle the moral implications which currently face the world and to give a renewed priority to the poor. We welcome the Secretary General’s recognition of the moral grounds which underlie the need to give priority to the most vulnerable in this endeavor.
In such an effort, my delegation reiterates the urgency for the United Nations and developed countries to come together to give assistance to the many countries unable to respond to the financial crisis and who continue to face security and development challenges. [Who is going to prevent the haves from continuing to exploit the have-nots, if the haves are the ones in control of the Security Council, and by extension, the U.N.?] In some countries which lag behind the rest of the world, the precarious and drifting economic situation was not created but rather was accentuated by the current financial crisis. Development aid will be effective only to the extent local governments and civil society confront the situation with an impetus of responsibility to address the chronic political, administrative and social malfunctioning.
My delegation welcomes the Secretary General’s efforts to call for an increased commitment to peacebuilding and peacekeeping, for these are the vital cornerstones upon which the United Nations was created. All this will be achieved only in the context of a renewed commitment to responsible sovereignty both at the national and international levels.
Mr. President, the upcoming Copenhagen Conference on climate change will test the ability of the international community to work together to attend to a problem which has both global causes and consequences. At the heart of the climate change debate is the moral and ethical need for individuals, companies and States to recognize their responsibility to use the world’s resources in a sustainable manner. With this responsibility comes the duty of all States and international corporations that have somehow disproportionately used and abused global resources to shoulder their fair share in solving the problem.
With the agreement to work towards a legally binding instrument on the import, export and transfer of conventional arms, the Convention on Cluster munitions and the recent consensus by major nuclear powers to reduce nuclear stockpiles, there has been an increasing commitment by some States to address this fundamental issue. However, the ongoing proliferation of nuclear arms and the desire by some States to continue to spend disproportionate amounts of money on weapons suggest that further efforts are needed if we are to make serious progress in controlling and unilaterally disarming these instruments of destruction.
Our efforts to renew the work of the United Nations will remain unfulfilled unless the international organizations and individual States are able to incorporate the voices of civil society into all aspects of the work of the Organization. Civil society partners are critical players in delivering humanitarian relief, promoting the rule of law and bringing to light gross violations of human rights. In this regard, faith-based organizations play a vital role in providing insight into the local needs of the community, delivering care and fostering solidarity both locally and internationally for the needs of people around the world. My delegation welcomes the Secretary-General’s recognition of the critical role of civil society actors and we hope to work with delegations to further include civil society organizations in providing life saving care to those in need.
Mr. President, widespread corruption, health pandemics, persistent maternal mortality in some regions of the world, economic crisis, terrorism, food security, climate change and migration, all illustrate that in an increasingly globalized world, national solutions are only one part of the formula for contributing towards peace and justice. These global problems call for an international response and it is, therefore, imperative that the United Nations and other international organizations look inward and outward in order to make the necessary reforms to respond to the challenges of this interconnected world. In commending the Secretary General’s leadership, my delegation looks forward to working with you and the membership in the next year to help create an Organization guided by duty, morality and solidarity with those in need.
Thank you Mr. President.
James Chastek: Aristotle and Darwin on Species: A Note
Plus he comment over at Edward Feser's blog.
Plus he comment over at Edward Feser's blog.
Anon,
Mayer's phrasing is ambiguous, and the ambiguity is fatal, since it overlooks the whole point of Aristotle's account of a species and the whole problem of species in the Greeks. Consider when he attributes to Aristotle the idea that "each species possessed and unchanging nature or form"
1.) If he is assuming that "nature" and "form" are the same thing, he is fatally wrong. Nature is matter and form. One can only speak of "nature or form" interchangeably if he is speaking about an angel, or God, which means he is no longer speaking of natural things. Form is unchangeable, to be sure, but a nature is not identified with its form, and therefore not identified with its unchangeable aspect. On the most probable reading of this quotation, Mayer is destroying Aristotle's idea of nature.
2.) Nothing defined with matter can be "rigidly distinct" from anything else defined with matter, for several reasons:
a.) Matter is unintelligible to us in itself, and gives a margin of unintelligibly and fuzziness to any natural thing. Again, this is not particularly controversial stuff in Aristotelian interpretation, just as point on is not.
b.) Aristotle's account of the unchageability of form is inseparable from his understanding of the intelligibility of things. In the measure that we admit species are intelligible, we admit they have an unchageable form as Aristotle understood it. Again, since natural things are not just forms, they are not just intelligible, which Mayer seems to get, but he bungles the idea. Does Darwin doubt that species can be studied? If not, he admits some notion of form is Aristotle's sense to creep in.
c.) Mayer misses everything essential about the ancient debate about forms, change, motion, intelligibility, etc, all of which are all tied together. as far as I can tell, no one in the ancient or Medieval world held the opinion that Meyer attributes to Aristotle, except as a doctrine about the angels.
Throw the book away and read Books 1+ 2 of Aristotle's Physics.
Monday, October 05, 2009
The Boston friend recommends this book: The Council of Chalcedon Re-Examined by Father V.C. Samuel (Book) in Christianity
Sunday, October 04, 2009
On Restoring the Primacy of Politics to Ethics
David Schaefer
David Schaefer
Straussian?
David Schaefer
As James Stoner of Louisiana State University has demonstrated, the considerable powers originally assigned to the American judiciary by the Founders presuppose the broad principles of liberal political philosophy set forth by Locke and Montesquieu and the common-law tradition inherited from England. Only on the basis of common-law assumptions about the role of the judiciary in articulating the community’s standard of justice, he argues, does Hamilton’s case for judicial review in Federalist No. 78 (refuting the Anti-Federalist Brutus’s case that it would amount to judicial supremacy) hold water.16 What particularly distinguishes the common-law method of reasoning is its empirical character: reasoning gradually from particular cases to broader principles, rather than the other way around. Not only does this approach respect the people’s right to self-government, which the conception of judicial review espoused by Parker and more prominent theorists of an activist judiciary does not; it recognizes the need to leave room for the exercise of prudence by the more overtly political branches of government (a need acknowledged by Chief Justice Marshall in his holding in Marbury v. Madisonthat “political questions” lie beyond the judiciary’s proper authority to resolve).
Neither common-law judges nor the great liberal political philosophers thought that the political realm could be subsumed under particular theoretical doctrines about morality. Hence, Locke’s teaching, reflected in the Declaration of Independence, lays out only a certain broad statement of the purpose of legitimate government— to secure men’s rights to life, liberty, and property—and an account of the sort of political institutions necessary to achieve that purpose (a separation of powers between legislature and executive, combined with regular elections of at least the former).
To think that considerations of political prudence—determining the particular policies most appropriate to securing the legitimate ends of Constitutional government— can or should be subordinated to “theories” of morality is one of the great academic and jurisprudential delusions of our time. It enables individuals whose schooling is limited to analyses of “moral” argumentation to claim a comprehensive authority that flies in the face of the original, consciously political, tradition. And it encourages judges not only to rewrite our Constitution but to announce, in the words of Justice Anthony Kennedy in Planned Parenthood v. Casey,that the American people’s very right to call themselves a self-governing people requires them to defer to the Supreme Court’s authority to “speak before all others for their constitutional ideals.” Criticism of judicial activism on behalf of a supposedly “living” constitution is necessary but not sufficient to remedy these tendencies. We must also challenge the authority of the “moral theorists” in philosophy departments and law faculties who equip our judges with their sense of supreme righteousness.
David Schaefer
Straussian?
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